2020/4, стр. 408 - 421

PROVIDING STUDYING ROOMS AND HOSTELS FOR STUDENTS OF PEDAGOGICAL EDUCATION AL INSTITUTIONS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES (20 – 30S OF THE XX CENTURY)

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Introduction. 20 – 30s of the 20th century were known for the aggravated material conditions of students, most of them had to provide everything necessary on their own. State support was insignificant, main forces and finances were directed at establishing the economical potential of the country.

To some degree it concerns the youth of the pedagogical educational institutions of national minorities of Soviet Ukraine. In the late 20s professionals for schools of national minorities were prepared by Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr, Kyiv and Odessa Jewish, Pryshybsk and Khortytsa German, Dnipropetrovsk and Kyiv Russian, Kyiv Polish, Preslavsk Bulgarian pedagogical colleges. In the 30s Polish and Odessa German pedagogical institutes were established as well as Novovitebsk Jewish, Proskuriv Polish and Mariupol Greek pedagogical technical schools.

The problem of the youth material situation in these institutions has not got a complex investigation yet. Some facts, showing student material conditions in these institutions can be found in the works by O. Riabchenko (2011: 116 – 125), O. Lavrut (2004: 10 – 11), I. Mishchenko (2011: 129 – 137; 2014: 38 – 41), V. Prylutskyi (2006: 85 – 107) and others. This article will demonstrate, foremost on the basis of the archive sources and materials of the periodicals of that time, the situation with providing study rooms and lodgings for students of pedagogical educational establishments of national minorities.

Methods. The complex of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, method of comparison, dialectical method) and special scientific methods of historical learning (historic-genetic, historic-comparative, historic-typological, problem-chronological) have been applied in the conducted research.

Theory. This article is devoted to students as a socio-demographic group characterized by a certain social status and temporal limits of education as well as changeability and instability. At tipping points of the growing political interest in a society it was the youth as a social group which shows the spirit of the time and prospective changes. The period of obtaining higher education is really important for socialization of a personality, formation of his/her worldview and political interests. It was among Ukrainian student youth the state’s political and intellectual elite was being formed.

The present-day student youth, if to compare it with students of the Soviet era, has more opportunities for self-realization. The Law of Ukraine “About higher education” states that students have the right “to participate in educational, scientific, scientific-research, sports, art, social events, conducted abroad; to suggest conditions and amount of tuition; to choose university subjects according to the educational program and working curriculum; to study simultaneously according to several educational programs and in several higher educational establishments; to participate in the international academic mobility; to get protection from different forms of exploitation, physical and psychic abuse; to be provided with a hostel for a period of study according to the law; to get target preferential state loans for obtaining higher education; to complain against the acts of management bodies of a higher educational establishment and its officials, pedagogical and scientific-pedagogical workers” etc. These are things that only could have been dreamt of by the Soviet youth. It fully concerns students of pedagogical educational establishments of national minorities preparing teachers for Jewish, Polish, Russian, German, Bulgarian and Greek schools.

Results and discussion

1.1. In 20 – 30s of the 20th century lack of study rooms was a characteristic feature of most educational institutions that made the educational process more difficult. For example, at the end of 1933 Polish Institute had 12000 students, who studied at 28 classrooms (Mishchenko, 2014: 40). Some universities shared their rooms with other educational establishments. In 1925 – 1926 academic year Kharkov Ukrainian pedagogical technical school (PT) had only six classrooms in its disposal, and they were given only in the first half of the day. The rest of the building was occupied by the Jewish PT1). In the building of Vinnytsia Jewish PT the second shift was taken by the youth of the medical school2). We can only suggest how difficult it was for different higher institutions to co-exist in one building. At the same time the building of the Polish pedagogical institute had a pedagogical technical school and Polish school № 2 (Mishchenko, 2014: 40).

Some institutions lacking their own buildings were forced to ask other educational establishments for permission to work the second shift. That was the case in Dnipropetrovsk Russian3) and Kalinidorf Jewish PT4).

At Vinnytsia Jewish PT classes of short-term courses of training and retraining of junior teachers were conducted. Studies took place mainly in summer when building repair and good preparation for the new educational year was expected to

In a number of cases educational establishments were granted quarters unfit for the process of studying. Thus, in Zhytomyr Jewish PT rooms were small that influenced student working productivity. The fact was that the city had no buildings meeting demands of an educational establishment6). In 1933 Kyiv Polish PT was moved to the building of one of local schools “with no conditions for work”7). Kyiv Russian PT was located in a small (314 m2) building (former dwelling house). Consequently, auditoriums and studies were cramped. That building was given to the institution in the autumn of 1931 in an unpleasant condition: there were no window frames, heating, floor in some rooms, the roof was leaking, etc. Besides, in 1930 – 1931 the technical school had no building of its own8).

1.2. It was too difficult to provide lodging for students, especially in 1920s. Housing stock in many cities in Ukraine was scarce, considerably damaged in the dramatic 1917 – 1920s. All this caused difficulties in providing lodging for students. Students of big industrial cities such as Kharkov, Kyiv, Odessa and Dnipropetrovsk were given accommodation advantages. A considerable number of students from Kamianets-Podilsky, Vinnytsia, Volyn, Kherson and other districts was left behind. Such number discrepancy was explained by a bit less amount of youth in the higher educational institutions of those territories, an inferior attitude it received as well as given prevalence to pedagogical and agricultural institutes. The greater number of their students came from geographically close settlements. Consequently, they did not have an urgent need of accommodation. The same relates to students of pedagogical educational establishments of national minorities. Truly speaking, such specific establishments, mentioned in the introductory part, were scarce in Ukraine. It led to the fact that students from different regions of the republic studied there.

It was difficult enough to provide hostels for students of pedagogical educational institutions. In particular there lived 120 students in hostels in Vinnytsia Jewish PT. The address of one of the boarding schools was 4, D. Bednogo Street (40 students). The other was situated in L. Tolstoy Street (70 students). 170 students also needed lodging9)). In Zhytomyr Jewish PT in 1928 only 57 students out of 110 lived in the boarding school10) (Jewish Pedagogical technical school. 1990: 5). Considerable problems dealing with providing lodging for students was felt in Kyiv Polish PT. In 1928 – 1929 educational year in the boarding school with the area 252 square fathoms, 0,7 square fathoms was allocated for one student11). At the same time in 1927 People’s Commissariat of Education specified 4,55 square meters as living standards for one person in student hostels (Chronicles. 1927: 90).

In providing students with dwelling space scholarship was taken into account. Thus, in 1928 – 1929 scholarship was given to 47 % of students from industrial higher educational institutions, 45 % – from pedagogical, 42 % – from socio-economical, 33 % – from medical, 20 % – from art institutes12). As a consequence, students of technical institutions were better provided with the dwelling space. It was a general republican tendency.

There were difficulties in providing furniture and linen for hostels. For instance, in the March of 1928 student lodgings of Vinnytsia Jewish PT lacked 31 bed, 4 mattresses, 177 pillow cases, 96 bed sheets, 24 blankets. There were only 93 beds, 23 of which were iron and the rest were wooden13. These facts were against the instruction of People’s Commissariat of Education of USPR “About the rules of keeping student hostels”, October 22, 1926, stating demands to furniture: “mostly iron beds of military style should be ordered; … woolen blankets of military style should be bought; … as to the stools, tables and bedside tables their number should correspond to the number of dwellers” (Narysy povsiakdennogo zhyttia “Outlines of everyday life.” 2010: 86). There were not enough furniture, linen, mattresses, blankets in Kharkov Jewish PT14).

It is interesting that on the 27th of February, 1928 at the enlarged meeting of the Board in Zhytomyr Jewish pedagogical technical school the absence of corridor system in a boarding school was admitted as a disadvantage. To rebuke this claim one of the Board members Prestupa reasonably answered: “To talk about corridor system in our conditions is equal to talk about seating furniture in the boarding school. Firstly we should care about providing a blanket and linen changing for each student”15).

While giving accommodation in a hostel the privilege was given to those who got scholarship, there were mainly workers and peasants with seniority and state provision as well as those sent to study. All other students were left without both scholarship and lodging. (Amaliieva, 2007: 424; Lavrut, 2004: 11).

Antisanitary state of student lodgings was not a rare phenomenon. In the document sent to Central Committee of Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine in November 1923 was said: “Student hostels are in the most unfavorable conditions – overcrowding, dampness, darkness, lack of elementary furniture was a usual picture of student life” (Prylutskyi, 2006: 92). In Vinnytsia Jewish PT windows of the hostel in D. Bednyi Street looked into the yard, where there was a toilet (“vychidnyk”)16).

1.3. Since 1929 – 1930 capital construction of hostels had started. But still there were many problems related to providing youth with lodgings. For example, in 1932 in hostels of Polish institute of social education (ISE) 160 students lived, 115 needed lodgings17). Next year 270 students were in need of lodging space18). In 1935 with a new hostel the problem of lodging was solved. But soon the pedagogical institute stopped its existence and hostels were taken over by Ukrainian pedagogical institute.

Closer to the middle of the 30s when the politics of Ukrainization was gradually subsiding and the politics of Russification took the upper hand, Russian pedagogical technical schools students were better provided with accommodation. The reason was that those institutions were to provide teaching staff for schools of Russian national minorities. In 1933 Dnipropetrovsk Russian PT provided youth with hostels19), though in 1931 it had no living space20). In Kyiv Russian PT in 1930 – 1931 only 50 % of students lived in hostels. The institution report stated that the situation got worse because 85 % of students were not local and demanded living space strongly. Besides that hostels were 6 – 8 km away from the university building and there were only 5 – 6 grace tickets available. At the same time tram fare cost 30-60 kopecks and not everyone could afford it21). In 1931 – 1932 the situation didn’t change. 68 students were provided with lodging, but 50 students were still in need of it22). The technical school did not have any hostels in its disposal. Students were often moved from one building to the other. Sometimes there were sent outside. For example, on November 13, 1931, 5 students were made to leave the hostel, located in 1 Dionisivska Street, and on the 12th of January 17 students were evicted from the hostel in 25 October Street. The commission of the city Communist Party (Bolshebik) of Ukraine after having investigated the technical school in December of 1931 admitted that living conditions of students were “terrible and unacceptable”. But People’s Commissariat of Education did not react to it23). In July of 1933 only 90 students lived in hostels, though 240 students needed to be accommodated24). The situation got better in 1933 – 1934. Finally the PT was given a separate hostel (with 661 square meters of living space), where 200 people were accommodated25). In 1934 – 1935 the educational establishment obtained one more hostel and living space extended to 838 square meters26).

Other higher institutions had considerable problems with providing lodgings for the youth. For instance, in 1935 Odessa German pedagogical institute provided lodgings for 399 students, still 188 students needed them27). Director of the institute Fliaks paid with his position for “harsh burocratic” attitude to everyday conditions of students, did not act to provide hostels for students at the proper time and it caused their dropout28). In Proskuriv Polish PT in September of 1934 85 % of students were provided with hostels29).

In Vinnytsia Jewish PT in October, 1933, 85 places were lacking30), in August, 1935 41 place was lacking31). Mariupol Greek PT in October. 1933 could not accommodate 96 first-year students32). In 1933 students of Zhytomyr Jewish PT lived in two hostels. 100 students lived there. Still 200 people needed lodging33). Odessa Jewish PT in 1931 could not accommodate 120 first-year students34). Novovitebsk Jewish PT had a very small hostel for 31 dwellers with 91 student needing lodging35). In July of 1933 Kyiv Polish PT provided lodging only for 25 out of 215 students 36).

In most establishments sanitary-hygienic norms regarding living space were not followed (there were 4,5 – 5 square meters assigned for one student for a decade)37) (Mishchenko, 2014: 40). Thus in September 1933 there were approximately 2 square meters for one student in Novovitebsk Jewish PT and 3 square meters – in Dnipropetrovsk Russian PT38; in September 1934 there were 3,3 square meters39). It happened that there were three students sleeping on one bed in Mariupol Greek PT40).

There are rare facts of local administration providing facilities for student lodging. For example, in 1934 – 1935 Kyiv Polish PT was given 2 hostels with 230 students living there41). Meanwhile, there were conflicts with local organizations as to the freshmen settling. One of them took place in Kyiv Russian PT. For instance, in autumn of 1930 the freshmen got only 20 places in the hostel while it was presupposed to admit 120 people. In Kyiv district inspection office they said: “Admit as many students, as there are places in the hostel and not the number specified by People’s Commissariat of Education.” This made the administration of the technical school to settle freshmen in the study building with no beds, mattresses and the youth were forced to sleep on the floor. It led to the fact that 40% of students had to abandon studies during the educational year42). In the study building students were settled by Mariupol Greek PT43). In 1931 – 1932 32 students of Kyiv Russian PT lived in an unheated building44).

Some hostels were unsuitable for living. In April of 1932 a subscriber of the newspaper “Soviet Volyn” P. Stempkivskyi after visiting a hostel of Zhytomyr Jewish PT in Malo-Chudnivska Street wrote: “A hostel is in a bad condition, the rooms are dirty … the hostel looks more like a pantry than a living place. The rooms are very cramped.” (Stempkivskyi, 1932: 2).

Some students who were not provided with a hostel, lived in private flats (“kutky”). For example, Proskuriv Polish PT settled 20 students in private flats, paying 10 karbovantsi per month for each45). In 1933 – 1934 in Kyiv Russian PT 43 students lived in private flats46), and in 1934 – 1935 – 39 students including 5 paid by the technical school47).

Most hostels were badly provided with furniture, there was not enough bed linen. It is about, in particular, Dnipropetrovk Russian, Zhytomyr48) and Novovitebsk Jewish49), Preslavsk Bulgarian50), Mariupol Greek pedagogical technical school51). With time hostel equipment got better in Polish pedagogical institute52), Vinnytsia Jewish53), Kyiv Polish54) and Russian55) and Proskuriv Polish pedagogical technical schools56), but still it was not well balanced.

To improve discipline, rules of inner order were introduced at the monitor meetings and those rules were brought into each hostel room. For example, in Kyiv Russian PT it was strictly forbidden to smoke in rooms, throw garbage into the corridor and washing basins, brush shoes and shake out clothes, kindle coercion, keep different animals, wash dishes in the washing basins, throw away leftover food and garbage into washing basins, etc. All students had to care about preserving their belongings. There were shifts in the hostels. Those on duty were assigned by the commandant. If necessary (not more than once a month), students living in the hostel were called to a meeting. They discussed questions directly related to improving the living conditions and behavior of students breaking the order. Students formed groups of three who were to immediately inform the administration of a pedagogical technical school or a commandant about all non-normative events in the hostel life. The group of three reported about its work once in 3 months. Every room chose its monitor for half a year, they were committed to observe those on duty in rooms and be responsible for the given inventory. They also had to find out those damaging or stealing the inventory and inform the household department about taking appropriate actions. They also had to spot those trying to lodge without a written order of a household department. The daily schedule was introduced in the hostel: 7 a.m. – rise, 7.15 – 8.00 a.m. – physical exercises, 8.20 a.m. – studies begin, 14.35 – 17.00 p.m. – dinner time, 17.00 – 19.00 p.m. – free time, 19.00 – 20.20 p.m. – doing home assignments with a break for supper, 23.00 – going to bed57).

There were regular competitions between rooms. In the Polish pedagogical institute in 1933 – 1934 6 rooms were admitted to be the best and they were rewarded58). In Kyiv Russian PT in 1934 – 1935 the three best rooms were rewarded with better equipment: they were given cabinets and carpets. 6 room monitors were rewarded with fabric59). In Proskuriv Polish PT winners of the competition got the right to have radios installed in their rooms.

For preventing robberies and damage of state property they introduced student guards who were personally responsible for the property preservation (for example, in Proskuriv Polish PT)60).

Breaking the rules of inner order happened in hostels. The youth was punished (reprimanded) for uncivil attitude to the authorities. For example, for his rude treatment of a commandant a student Drutsko-Lubetsky of Odessa German pedagogical institute was reprimanded. One student of this higher educational establishment was strictly reprimanded for throwing an inkwell out of the window and barely killing a commandant61) . Besides, a student M. Classen was evicted from a hostel for selling things from abroad62). A student Vagner who allowed an outsider to stay in his room for a night was strictly reprimanded63).

Regular thefts took place. In March of 1934 Mr. Dombrovsky, a headmaster of Proskuriv Polish PT, addressed Slavuta district administrative department with a letter, in which he asked to find and bring to trial a student E. Heptyk (coming from the village Khorovytsia, Slavuta region) for running away from the technical school, having stolen two bed sheets and 5 books from the hostel64). After having heard about liquidation of the technical school students tried to carry some pieces of property with them. For example, a student, named P. Orlovsky took away a blanket, a bed sheet, a mattress, a pillowcase and books (costing about 200 karbovantsi). The case was brought to the police (Mishchenko, 2011: 133 – 134). Laptinin was taken to trial and dropped out from Kyiv Russian PT for a theft65). Preslavsk Bulgarian PT informed that thefts made the institution authorities address the police but they did not stop66).

Some students were given a chance to rehabilitate. For example, in October, 1933 at the directorate meeting in Kyiv Russian PT they considered a request of a student Shteimnets to cancel the statement of the general representative court, which made a decision to drop her out for a theft. She asked to give her a second chance to become the best student. The authorities of the institution decided to meet her halfway and established a two months probation period67). Settling with outsiders was a considerable problem of student hostels. In a number of cases local authorities did not follow the statement of Ukrainian Central Executive Committee from May 12, 1929 regarding administrative eviction of outsiders from hostels (Ukrainian Soviet society. “Ukrainske Radianske Suspilstvo” 2012: 726). In 1933 they informed from the Polish pedagogical institute that student lodging in 75 Chervonoarmiyska Street to 75% was occupied by private settlers who could not be evicted by the directorship. Besides, outsiders occupied 5 rooms in a hostel in 39 Gogolivska Street, 4 rooms in 10 Rylska Street68). Without any reason outsiders were settled in Dnipropetrovsk Russian PT69).

In 1930s radios were installed in a number of hostels, in particular, in Zhytomyr Jewish70), Kyiv Polish 71) and Russian pedagogical technical schools72).

Students living in hostels published wall papers, in particular, in Polish pedagogical institute (Mishchenko, 2014: 39), propagating experience of the best students and influencing those, who were breaking discipline and sanitary-hygienic norms.

For general cleaning of hostels so-called Sabbatarians were organized especially before state holidays (in Kyiv Russian PT)73).

Taking into consideration frequent outbreaks of typhoid they paid special attention to cleanliness in hostels looked to by domestic and sanitary commissions. For example, in Proskuriv Polish PT they conducted such check-ups once in two weeks. Each room had a sanitary copy-book, where a sanitary condition of a room was stated by a commission74). Still many hostels were in unsatisfactory sanitary conditions, causing the corresponding behavior of its settlers. They smoked in cramped rooms and spat on the floor. Year in year out check reports of student lodgings stated a number of “abnormal phenomena” (Riabchenko, 2011: 122). In January, 1935 a commission of Proskuriv Polish PT, having examined a hostel in Kamianetska Street stated: “There is no washing basin in the corridor, walls are torn, it is cold (Room 22), a beds are close (Room 20), cold rooms and corridors. A stove is badly-equipped and there is much smoke in the room (Room 2). There is no dentifrice in the mentioned above rooms …”75). There were anti-sanitary conditions in hostels of Polish pedagogical institute76), Mariupol Greek PT77).

Sanitization was of paramount importance in hostels. So-called “minimum sanitization” was organized in hostels. For instance, in 1934 in Polish pedagogical institute according to minimum sanitization information letters had to be hung in each room, that told about its size and dwellers. Students had to be provided with stools, bed side tables, electric bulbs, racks, garbage cans, boxes for coal, decanters for water, tables covered with oilcloth, curtains. They were also obliged to leave only necessary things (baskets, suitcases and buckets were banned) in rooms. They also had to root out the use of primitive heaters in rooms and corridors, provide boiled water (twice a day) for students, introduce a pass regime and ban entrance of private guests into rooms, root out self-service of students by enlarging the number of cleaners, who had to air and do wet sweeping in rooms and corridors twice a day. It was necessary to wipe window-sills, sweep dust away from ovens and furniture, wash decanters and fill them with clean water. Once in a decade complete cleaning of a hostel had to be conducted (air bed linen, sweep away dust and cobweb from walls, windows and ceilings, wash windows, doors, floor, change bed linen). It was stated to attend a bathhouse twice a month, organize sanitation once a month, arrange collective laundering of students’ linen, disinfect a building three times a month, lodge students only after sanitation, and provide hostels with first aid kits and .”Sanitation minimum” of Kyiv Russian PT had its specificities. In particular, underclothing had to be changed once in a decade, bed linen had to be changed two times a week, sick students had to be placed into an infirmary. Floors had to be washed once in three days and once in five days on an upper floor. Heating devices were allowed to be used only in the kitchen. It was banned to smoke, wash and dry linen in

Disinfection chambers were used in some institutions. Bed linen and other hostel things were disinfected. A disinfection chamber turned out to be a small house with underground stoves for calcinations of fabric with water vapor. One of such chambers functioned in the Polish pedagogical institute, which had a degasser among its staff. That member of the staff coped with cockroaches, mice and rats80).

Most hostels did not have bathhouses of their own, except the Polish pedagogical Institute81. To provide bathhouses for the youth most institutions were made to conclude covenants with city bathhouses that offered discounts for students by selling preferential “tickets” to them. For instance, students of Kyiv Russian82), Kyiv83) and Proskuriv Polish pedagogical technical schools went to the bathhouse once in

There were few laundries in the hostels, most of them started to work in the 30s of the 20th century, in particular in the Polish pedagogical institute85), Zhytomyr Jewish86, Proskuriv Polish pedagogical technical schools87). They offered their services free of charge. It was planned to organize a laundry in Kyiv Russian PT88). Some institutions made contracts about washing linen in city Trusts (Kyiv Polish PT)89).

There were barber’s shops (“goliarni”) in several educational institutions as, for example, in Kyiv Russian PT, were one had to pay 50 kopecks for shaving and hair-cut in 1933 – 193490). Students of Proskuriv Polish PT could use the services of school barber’s shop at lower prices91).

Conclusion. In 20 – 30s of the 20th century providing rooms and hostels for students was the main task of pedagogical educational institutions of national minorities. The reason was a scarce state support. Studying spaces were growing slowly. Constructing new study buildings was not widespread especially in the 20s, because of the complicated economic situation in the country. In a number of cases institutions were given buildings unsuitable for learning process. Higher institutions lacking buildings for teaching students worked in shifts. It was rather difficult to provide lodging for students, especially in the 20s. Many higher institutions did not have hostels of their own. Consequently, a great number of students were forced to stay with relatives or rent private rooms at their own cost. A number of student hostels were in the buildings unsuitable for living. Necessary furniture and utensils were lacking. As a consequence students had to sleep on the floor, tables, and in the wardrobes. Hostel conditions did not favor productive studying of students. Living conditions started gradually improving during the 30s. But even in this period of the growing number of students the problem of lodging was not less urgent. Most hostels had not enough furniture and bed linen. Students living in boarding schools had to follow certain rules. With frequent outbursts of typhoid infirmaries sprang up in each hostel. Students were forbidden to settle without having undergone sanitation. Disinfection chambers functioning hostels dealt with disinfection of bed linen. Anti-sanitation was not seldom in student lodgings. There were cases of breaking rules of inner order. It caused eviction of a number of students from hostels or even expelling from universities. Systematic robberies took place as rooms were not locked. Lodging with outsiders was a considerable problem in hostels. Most hostels did not have bath houses, laundries and barber’s shops of their own.

NOTES

1. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 5, f. 264, sheet 235.

2. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 1495, sheet 67.

3. CDAGO of Ukraine, fund 7, desc. 1, f. 586, sheet 23; The State Archives of Dnipropetrovsk Region, f. p. 7, desc. 1, f.1489, sheet 126.

4. CDAGO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 326, sheet 1.

5. The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. p. 457, desc. 6, f. 447, sheet 31.

6. The State Archives of Zhytomyr Region, f. p. 266, desc. 1, f. 167, sheet 216.

7. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 1529, sheet 14 top.

8.CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 1490, sheet 40 top, 42; State Archive of Kyiv, f. p. 359, desc. 1, f. 11, sheet 1; f. 27, sheet 10; f. 67, sheet 82; f. 137, sheet 9.

9. The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. p. 29, f. 422, sheet 47; f. 620, sheet 101.

10. The State Archives of Zhytomyr Region, f. p. 266, desc. 1, f. 167, sheet 219.

11. CDAGO of Ukraine, f. 1, desc. 20, f. 2930, sheet 32.

12. The State Archives of Khmelnytskyi Region, f. s. 1584, desc. 1, f. 3, sheet 68.

13.The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. p. 29, desc. 1, f. 414, sheet 18)

14. CDAGO of Ukraine, f. 1, desc. 20, f. 2010, sheet 76)

15. The State Archives of Zhytomyr Region, f. s. 266, desc. 1, f. 167, sheet 228.

16. The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. p. 29, desc. 1, f. 620, sheet 101.

17. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 6, f. 34, sheet 3.

18. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 335, sheet 19.

19. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 326, sheet 26.

20. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 7, desc. 1, f. 586, sheet 23.

21. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 11, sheet 11.

22. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 44, sheet 3, top.

23. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 1490, sheets 43 – 44.

24. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 329, sheet 26.

25. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 67, sheet 42.

26. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 135, sheet 26; f. 137, sheet 8.

27. The State Archives of Odessa Region, f. s. 1561, desc. 1, f. 569, sheet 7.

28. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 302, desc. 1, f. 1839, sheet 219; f.s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 4, sheet 4.

29. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 7, sheet 9.

30. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 24.

31. The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. sf. 457, desc. 1, f. 437, sheet 7; f. 447, sheet 72.

32. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 24.

33. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 326, sheet 68.

34. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 798, sheet 10.

35. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 28.

36. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 329, sheet 26.

37. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, file 5, sheet 24 from the top.

38. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, file 53, sheet 28.

39 The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 7, sheet 107.

40. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 326, sheet 9.

41.State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 807, desc. 11, file 18, sheet 26.

42. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 1490, sheet 40 – 40 top.

43. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 814, sheet 73.

44. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 1490, sheet 43 – 44.

45. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 1, sheet 262.

46. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 67, sheet 42.

47. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 135, sheet 26; f. 137, sheet 8)

48. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 329, sheet 26.

49 .The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 28.

50. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 825, sheet 60.

51. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 24.

52 State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 76 top.

53 The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. s. 457, desc. 1, f. 437, sheet 8, 33; f. 447, sheets 32 – 33.

54. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 807, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 27.

55. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 135, sheet 26.

56. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 6, sheet 3; f. 7, sheet 107.

57. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 205, sheets 2, 5, 7.

58. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 76 top.

59. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 135, sheet 27.

60. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 1, sheet 253.

61. The State Archives of Odessa Region, f. s. 1561, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 6.

62. The State Archives of Odessa Region, f. s. 1561, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 7.

63. The State Archives of Odessa Region, f. s. 1561, f. 15, sheet 12.

64. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 1, sheet 87.

65. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 135, sheet 23.

66. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 10, f. 825, sheet 6)

67. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 61, sheet 34.

68. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 166, desc. 11, f. 335, sheet 19.

69.The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 28.

70. CDAVO of Ukraine, f. 7, desc. 1, file 1079, sheet 255.

71. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 807, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 27.

72. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 67, sheet 96.

73. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 69, sheet 21 top.

74. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 6, sheet 3; f. 7, sheet 107.

75. The State Archives of Vinnytsia Region, f. s. 457, desc. 1, f. 444, sheet 155; The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 110, sheet 11.

76. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 76 top.

77. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 300, desc. 1, f. 53, sheet 24.

78.State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 8, f. 8, sheets 4 – 5.

79. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 205, sheet 1.

80. State Archive of Kyiv, f.s. 920, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 9, 76 top.

81. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 9.

82. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 67, sheets 42, 97; f. 135, sheet 25.

83. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 807, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 26.

84. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 1, sheet 253 top; f. 6, sheet 3.

85. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 920, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 9.

86. The State Archives of Zhytomyr Region, f. s. 215, desc. 1, f. 2, sheet 7.

87. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 1, sheet 253 top; f. 6, sheet 3.

88. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 67, sheet 42; f. 135, sheet 26.

89. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 807, desc. 11, f. 18, sheet 26.

90. State Archive of Kyiv, f. s. 359, desc. 1, f. 67, sheets 42, 97; f. 135, sheet 26.

91. The State Archives of Khmelnytsky Region, f. s. 2597, desc. 1, f. 1, sheet 253 top; f. 6, sheet 3.

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